Kuwait: Bidoun Nationality Demands Can't Be Silenced

[Refugees International logo. Image from refugeesinternational.org] [Refugees International logo. Image from refugeesinternational.org]

Kuwait: Bidoun Nationality Demands Can't Be Silenced

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following report was issued by Refugees International on 6 March 2012.] 

KUWAIT: BIDOUN NATIONALITY DEMANDS CAN`T BE SILENCED 

As many as 100,000 people living in Kuwait are stateless. They are called “bidoun,” and over the last twelve months thousands have been gathering peacefully in Taima Square to insist that the government recognize their Kuwaiti nationality. Tear gas, rubber bullets, and beatings have all been used to quell the demonstrators. Refugees International (RI) is calling on the Government of Kuwait to refrain from any further use of violence and to investigate serious allegations of abuse by special security forces. As well, pending applications for nationality filed by the stateless bidoun should be fairly and transparently adjudicated as a matter of priority. 

Background

Although the bidoun lived in Kuwait long before its independence in 1961, they are considered by the authorities to be “illegal residents,” and are refused birth certificates, public schooling, marriage certificates, and the right to peacefully assemble. Bidoun also face barriers to health care; some bidoun can access limited health insurance, while others are denied health care altogether. 

Most bidoun live in two communities of makeshift housing about eighteen miles outside of Kuwait City. The communities are so marginalized that one Kuwaiti national who participated in the demonstrations said, “I didn’t know where Taima Square was, I had to use my GPS.” They must rent accommodations, as they have no right to own, sell, or pass property onto their children upon death. Despite their multi-generational presence in the nation, the bidoun are not recognized as legally residing in Kuwait, and in almost all circumstances, they are not permitted to leave because the government refuses to issue travel documents. 

Excessive Force Used to Quell Bidoun Protests

Recommencing in December 2011, thousands of bidoun have gathered peacefully on Fridays to demand that the government take action on their individual applications for nationality. Prior to and during their protests, the bidoun made a concerted effort to counter negative stereotypes about them by donating blood, handing out flowers to the special forces guarding the demonstrations, offering tea and coffee to the police, and cleaning up garbage after the gatherings. 

In response to the gatherings, the Government of Kuwait used tear gas, rubber bullets, sound bombs, beatings, detentions, and trials to quell the bidoun’s peaceful assembly. While these events took place, citizen journalists made videos and took photographs. As a result, many instances of abuse are well documented on Twitter and Facebook, including the beating of a woman. Among the arrested were children, the mentally disabled, and the elderly. One of the arrested bidoun was a man who had lost his child because the Government of Kuwait would not permit the six-year-old to travel to Saudi Arabia for cancer treatment, even though transportation to and from the country, as well as all medical services, had been donated. Several male bidoun who were detained detailed four consistent forms of grave mistreatment: sexual abuse, beatings, solitary confinement, and as many as 32 people being packed into small jail cells. With little room, they took turns standing for long hours and then sleeping on a cement floor. 

While RI was in Kuwait in February, 71 members of the bidoun community had already been in jail for more than 40 days due to their participation in demonstrations in December 2011 and January 2012. In late February 2012, the government released 59 individuals. But as of writing, 12 remain in jail. Reportedly, the 59 obtained release after a Member of Parliament threatened to file a request for interrogation of the Prime Minister regarding the detention of individuals who participated in the bidoun gatherings, as well as others arrested for their critical comments about the government. RI was told that the Prime Minister avoided the appeal by agreeing to an arrangement in which 59 bidoun would be released from detention along with unrelated individuals arrested for their critical comments about the government. Bond was set at 1600 dollars, which not all the bidoun could afford, so charities and individuals stepped in to help make payments. Within days, the government had arrested three more individuals considered activists and organizers of the gatherings. One of the individuals was arrested at the airport. He had planned to complete the Hajj, a pilgrimage to Mecca. 

In December 2012, a judge dismissed charges against 31 bidoun arrested for peaceful assembly in February 2011 because he said that the bidoun had been “gathering”, and the Kuwaiti constitution permits all “individuals” to gather. Legal counsel and human rights groups do not expect that the upcoming trials will result in a similar decision. 

An International Failure of Accountability

Unfortunately, neither United Nations agencies nor the international community have publicly expressed concern for the bidoun. At the same time as the bidoun were being arrested, in Geneva the UN commended the Government of Kuwait for its strides towards eliminating racial discrimination. Inside Kuwait, no UN agency has stepped forward publicly to demand that the human rights of the bidoun be respected and protected. Neither the United States Embassy nor the United Kingdom Embassy has made any public statement in support of the bidoun.

On February 17, 2012, the Government of Kuwait provided a statement assessing its efforts toward eliminating racial discrimination to the Geneva-based United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. In its statement, the government asserted that 93,000 individuals had been registered as unlawful residents, and a “central body was created to address the needs of unlawful residents, such as free medical care, free education, and issuance of birth, death, marriage and divorce certificates, and driver’s licenses.” Despite recent documentation demonstrating excessive use of force against peaceful demonstrators, the failure to meaningfully implement any government benefits, and no movement on nationality files since 2009, the Country Rapporteur and the Committee considered Kuwait’s progress toward implementing the provisions of the Convention satisfactory. This finding is in direct contradiction to the bidoun experience, and by not confronting Kuwaiti government on the actual treatment of the bidoun, the Committee was derelict in its duties.

Kuwait is currently a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council. As a member, it is “responsible for strengthening the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe and for addressing situations of human rights violations and make recommendations on them.” Membership in the Council provided an opportunity for Kuwait to implement policies consistent with the human rights of the bidoun by treating them as nationals with rights equal to those of other Kuwaitis. During the nomination process the UN Human Rights Council did not request this action. 

Inside Kuwait, UN agencies have failed to engage the Government of Kuwait in discussions that would advance bidoun rights. Despite a mandate that includes the protection of stateless persons and the authority to take up individual protection claims by individual bidoun members, the UN Refugee Agency does not have direct interaction with the bidoun community. Moreover, no public outcry has been forthcoming from the international community. Lacking any public criticism, Kuwait’s government may continue its crackdown on the bidoun with total impunity—to the great danger of the bidoun and at exceptional harm to the credibility of the international system of protection. Reflecting on the situation, one bidoun told RI, “We’re behind square one.”

Both the United States and the United Kingdom have a strong diplomatic presence in Kuwait, but neither has prioritized the rights of the bidoun to nationality, nor have they followed up with Kuwait’s Parliament regarding the processing of nationality applications. Engagement with the Kuwaiti government, Parliament’s Bidoun Committee, and the stateless themselves is critical in moving forward the rights of the bidoun. 

The Unfulfilled Promise of Nationality

Over the last 12 years, more than 80,000 applications for nationality have sat before the Kuwaiti government’s “Bidoun Committee.” Bidoun with Kuwaiti mothers are included in this queue, because Kuwait’s nationality law is discriminatory and does not permit a woman to confer nationality on her children or spouse. On rare occasions, the committee has conferred nationality on some bidoun: a few hundred in 2006, 2007, and 2008, and 1800 in 2005. Since 2009, the Bidoun Committee has not conferred nationality on any bidoun. The arbitrary nature of these adjudications keeps many bidoun in a constant state of fear, and some bidoun were opposed to the demonstrations as a result. They were afraid that by asserting their rights, the goal of nationality would be lost for themselves and their families. 

Kuwait has set a precedent of using security concerns to block nationality claims. Originally intended to deny nationality to those bidoun who fought alongside Iraq during the 1991 occupation, the use of a “security block” has grown exponentially to include activists and others, often without their knowledge or with any reason for the block. A security block prevents access to a variety of government services and makes the acquisition of nationality almost impossible. RI was told by a human rights organization that 850 individuals have a security block due to perceived collaboration with the Iraqis, but that the list is likely greater than 3000. Some believe the list includes as many as 30,000 individuals. RI was also told that even within the 850 there are surely errors, as many Kuwaitis were used as “moles” on the Iraqi side as an intelligence mechanism, and therefore should not be considered collaborators. No application for nationality should be denied due to a security block unless it is demonstrated that the person actively supported Iraq during the 1991 invasion.

Kuwait’s government publicly warned activists that participation in demonstrations would result in a permanent security block on their nationality files and possible deportation. But for many of the bidoun RI met, this carrot and stick approach to nationality had lost its appeal. As one man told RI, he was willing to sacrifice his own opportunity to gain nationality if it meant his two-year-old daughter may acquire it someday. RI learned that since Kuwait could not deport stateless individuals, because no other country has an obligation to accept them, it would use “deportation” jails. If ordered deported, a bidoun could spend years in jail, awaiting an “amnesty” that may or may not come. It is unknown how many bidoun individuals are in this situation, but it is exactly the type of information that the UNHCR should easily be able to acquire and address. At the same time, the government said it would confer nationality on the 34,000 individuals already recognized as Kuwaiti nationals without documentation. This is a promise that the government has asserted before but has yet to fulfill.

Access to Government Benefits

In the meantime, the Government of Kuwait has asserted that bidoun have access to 11 government benefits (sometimes referred to as “facilities” or “rights”) such as education, birth certificates, and health care. RI was told that the bidoun may receive about 360 dollars toward payment of private school tuition, but this covers only half the cost. As a result, some families still can’t afford education, and other families are making choices between children. Addressing the absence of opportunities to attend school, one bidoun woman explained, “Growing up knowing you have no future – your brain is limited.” Some access to health care does seem to be available to those bidoun with identification, but because reportedly 70 percent of the population does not have documentation, this is a small benefit. Kuwait is not issuing bidoun birth certificates. Instead it may issue a “birth statement”, which explicitly states that the newborn’s nationality is “illegal”. The bidoun are permitted the right to work for NGOs, which make up a small portion of Kuwait’s workforce, and some may be employed by the civil service and the military. RI was told that other benefits promised by the government are entirely inaccessible, or unevenly enjoyed by bidoun depending on personal connections.

Failure to Comply with Court Decisions

In March 2009, the Court of First Instance, Kuwait’s trial court, ordered that a marriage certificate be granted to a bidoun woman married to a Kuwaiti citizen. In the following months, the same court found that a bidoun man has the right to both a marriage certificate and to birth certificates for his children. Neither the Ministry of Justice nor the Ministry of Health has complied with these orders. 

In March 2010, the National Assembly’s Health and Labor Committee ordered the Ministry of Health to issue birth certificates within two months to bidoun newborns. Additionally, based on a 2009 Court of First Instance ruling on marriage certificates, in May 2010 the Council of Ministers, an advisory body to the Emir, passed a resolution that would require the issuance of birth certificates to all children of Kuwaiti citizens married to bidoun women. Again, the Ministries of Health and Justice failed to comply without consequence. 

Conclusion

The Government of Kuwait has everything to gain by recognizing and conferring nationality on the bidoun who have valid claims to Kuwaiti nationality. The government has a legitimate interest in knowing who resides in the country, and conferring nationality on bidoun who are descendants of Kuwaitis, married to a Kuwaiti, born in Kuwait, and those who are longstanding residents. A naturalization process would promote security, while also improving the country’s human rights record. In February 2012, Kuwait’s government had a surplus of more than 47 billion dollars. With this surplus, incorporating the bidoun into the state of Kuwait would be no financial burden. The bidoun are a longstanding population who continue to serve as loyal members in the civil service and the military. RI was told multiple times by bidoun individuals that they were proud to be Kuwaiti. It is time for Kuwait to acknowledge their rights to nationality. 

 Policy Recommendations

  • The Government of Kuwait must end the use of excessive force as a response to demonstrations for bidoun rights, address allegations of police abuse, and ensure that the bidoun detained during demonstrations are afforded fair, transparent, and expeditious trials.
  • The Government of Kuwait should immediately provide proof of nationality to the 34,000 individuals acknowledged to be Kuwaiti nationals by the Bidoun Committee, and recommence adjudication of the more than 80,000 pending applications for nationality.
  • The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the Office of the High Commission for Human Rights (OHCHR) should make a joint effort urging the Government of Kuwait to address allegations of human rights abuses against members of the bidoun community.
  • The embassies of the United States and the United Kingdom should give importance to the issue of the bidoun and request regular consultation on progress toward adjudication of pending nationality applications.

 [Click here to download the full report.]

  • ALSO BY THIS AUTHOR

    • Long Form Podcast Episode 8: Resigning the State Department Over Gaza With Hala Rharrit

      Long Form Podcast Episode 8: Resigning the State Department Over Gaza With Hala Rharrit

      In this episode of Long Form, Hala Rharrit discusses the factors that led her to resign from the US State Department, the mechanisms by which institutional corruption and ideological commitments of officials and representatives ensure US support for Israel, and how US decision-makers consistently violate international law and US laws/legislation. Rharrit also addresses the Trump administration’s claim that South Africa is perpetrating genocide against the country’s Afrikaaner population, and how this intersects with the US-Israeli campaign of retribution against South Africa for hauling Israel before the ICJ on charges of genocide.

    • Emergency Teach-In — Israel’s Profound Existential Crisis: No Morals or Laws Left to Violate!

      Emergency Teach-In — Israel’s Profound Existential Crisis: No Morals or Laws Left to Violate!

      The entire globe stands behind Israel as it faces its most intractable existential crisis since it started its slow-motion Genocide in 1948. People of conscience the world over are in tears as Israel has completely run out of morals and laws to violate during its current faster-paced Genocide in Gaza. Israelis, state and society, feel helpless, like sitting ducks, as they search and scramble for an inkling of hope that they might find one more human value to desecrate, but, alas, their efforts remain futile. They have covered their grounds impeccably and now have to face the music. This is an emergency call for immediate global solidarity with Israel’s quest far a lot more annihilation. Please lend a helping limb.

    • Long Form Podcast Episode 7: Think Tanks and Manufactuing Consent with Mandy Turner (4 June)

      Long Form Podcast Episode 7: Think Tanks and Manufactuing Consent with Mandy Turner (4 June)

      In this episode, Mandy Turner discusses the vital role think tanks play in the policy process, and in manufacturing consent for government policy. Turner recently published a landmark study of leading Western think tanks and their positions on Israel and Palestine, tracing pronounced pro-Israel bias, where the the key role is primarily the work of senior staff within these institutions, the so-called “gatekeepers.”

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412